(There have been uprisings in Europe and the US itself but they have not been so viral. Could this have anything to do with lack of outside support and interventions?)
Arguably the biggest trophy of the West during the Arab Spring which saw the demise of leaders in Tunisia and Egypt, was the cruel death of Libya's colonel Muammar Gaddafi, who died at the hands of Nato-backed rebels in October.
By Tichaona Zindoga
If there is one word that was this year most used by Zimbabwean politicians and commentators in reference to the inclusive Government, it is "dysfunctional". This is read in the context of the "marriage of convenience" that Zanu-PF and the two MDC formations entered in 2009. That the marriage is now "dysfunctional" is the basis for calls, which have become more strident lately, to terminate the life of the inclusive Government.
This is not unjustified.
This is not unjustified.
Parties in the inclusive Government have bickered on anything from civil servants salaries and financing agriculture to diamond revenues. Perhaps the disagreements have been overplayed to the extent of painting an unduly negative picture of the inclusive Government.
Was it not columnist Nathaniel Manheru who wrote something to the effect that society is wont to hear a couple's disagreements rather than the quieter, productive - and reproductive moments? However, President Mugabe has said that the inclusive Government should no longer subsist. He and his party say elections should be held as a matter of course, that is, in 2012. The party, at its annual conference - dubbed mini congress in Bulawayo earlier this month resolved as much.
The other parties in the inclusive Government are not prepared for elections and they have been seen to hold it out - demanding the "full implementation" of the GPA and the Sadc roadmap on elections.
The long-winded constitution-making process has put a drag on the holding of elections, which were initially hoped to be held this year, if the 18-month timeline to complete the process was adhered to.
The MDCs have been accused of stalling the process with Finance Minister Biti being accused of not funding the process adequately. The year ends with drafters on the table meaning the text of the constitution might be available in the first quarter of 2012.
It also ends in drama, which would make a body weep or laugh or both. Consider Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai's controversial "marriage" to Locardia Karimatsenga Tembo in the "sacred" month of November. The issue was a talking point politically and socially.
It could have a bearing on Mr Tsvangirai's long-held presidential aspirations. In October, Mr Tsvangirai came out in support of "gay rights" during a BBC programme. He was apparently influenced by the British government's policy that it would not give aid to homophobic governments in Africa. The issue landed Mr Tsvangirai in trouble. For a moment it seemed that his "marriage" to Tembo was a way to steer himself from the maelstrom around the gay issue.
However, his marriage lasted only 12 days and he (or was it his staff?) made a statement confirming he had a relationship with Tembo but thought it would not consummate because it had been taken over by the CIO.
The Herald was blamed by Mr Tsvangirai and his minions and supporters of being part to the plot to destroy him. The paper did an excellent job in breaking the news of the marriage right up to the moment where Locardia was playing daughter-in-law at the Tsvangirai's in Buhera.
And what a sight Locardia was when she appeared with a "Zambia" wrapped around her waist, with her manicured hands on the short rustic broom and her head covered with a doek but for a few strands of "weave"!
The Tembo story had the effect of upsetting people within the MDC-T. After the episode lapsed, the MDC-T, sought to claim some victories to gain confidence. The party sought to give itself twin Christmas presents, all brewed in Parliament.
The party moved motions to oust Clerk of Parliament Mr Austin Zvoma and to dissolve the Broadcasting Authority of Zimbabwe which awarded commercial radio licences to Zimpapers Talk Radio and Supa Mandiwanzira's AB Communications.
The party had in tow MPs from the other MDC formation. It remains to be seen whether the MDCs will succeed in both fronts.
However, what is clear is that with a majority in Parliament, the two MDC formations can give Zanu-PF a tough time, which situation the revolutionary party finds itself in. The "kingmaker", the smaller MDC formation is in trouble. After the party's congress in February, Professor Welshman Ncube took the reins at the party only for Professor Arthur Mutambara to dispute the legitimacy of the congress and Ncube's ascent.
A group aligned to Mutambara challenged the legality of the congress in the courts. The case is still pending. As a counter measure, the Ncube faction approached the courts seeking to bar Mutambara from acting as MDC leader, which they won this December.
Their victory came hard on the heels of an announcement of a new executive by the Mutambara faction at which point five MPs and senators from the party aligned themselves to Mutambara.
The state of affairs means that Ncube is virtually without a member in Parliament.
Yet Mutambara seems moribund as a "principal" of the inclusive Government as his status, having been barred by the courts to act as leader, remains doubtful.
Some analysts point out that his stay will be at the mercy of President Mugabe.
The Ncube faction has said it "donated" Mutambara to Zanu-PF. In November, the Mutambara faction suffered another setback when they were chucked out of an anti-violence indaba that parties convened allowing for the interaction of the central committee of Zanu-PF and the national councils of the MDC formations.
The anti-violence indaba was in itself a significant milestone in the country's politics which is characterised sometimes by violent clashes. The parties agreed that violence had to be avoided and President Mugabe emphasised that parties had to approach the electorate on the strength of their programmes.
Zanu-PF banks on its people-oriented programmes such as the indigenisation and economic programme which took shape this year. President Mugabe launched the first community share ownership scheme at Zimplats in Mhondoro in October.
The scheme will help locals in resource rich areas to get 10 percent stake in companies that exploit their resources. The employee share ownership, by which employees get stake in their companies, was also launched at Schweppes and has included companies like Miekles.
The indigenisation train is set to move irrevocably.
MDC-T has said it has its own "Jobs and Investment and Upliftment Plan", to rival the indigenisation programme. Either way, the issues over indigenisation or lack of it might win or lose the next elections to the protagonists.
Was it not columnist Nathaniel Manheru who wrote something to the effect that society is wont to hear a couple's disagreements rather than the quieter, productive - and reproductive moments? However, President Mugabe has said that the inclusive Government should no longer subsist. He and his party say elections should be held as a matter of course, that is, in 2012. The party, at its annual conference - dubbed mini congress in Bulawayo earlier this month resolved as much.
The other parties in the inclusive Government are not prepared for elections and they have been seen to hold it out - demanding the "full implementation" of the GPA and the Sadc roadmap on elections.
The long-winded constitution-making process has put a drag on the holding of elections, which were initially hoped to be held this year, if the 18-month timeline to complete the process was adhered to.
The MDCs have been accused of stalling the process with Finance Minister Biti being accused of not funding the process adequately. The year ends with drafters on the table meaning the text of the constitution might be available in the first quarter of 2012.
It also ends in drama, which would make a body weep or laugh or both. Consider Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai's controversial "marriage" to Locardia Karimatsenga Tembo in the "sacred" month of November. The issue was a talking point politically and socially.
It could have a bearing on Mr Tsvangirai's long-held presidential aspirations. In October, Mr Tsvangirai came out in support of "gay rights" during a BBC programme. He was apparently influenced by the British government's policy that it would not give aid to homophobic governments in Africa. The issue landed Mr Tsvangirai in trouble. For a moment it seemed that his "marriage" to Tembo was a way to steer himself from the maelstrom around the gay issue.
However, his marriage lasted only 12 days and he (or was it his staff?) made a statement confirming he had a relationship with Tembo but thought it would not consummate because it had been taken over by the CIO.
The Herald was blamed by Mr Tsvangirai and his minions and supporters of being part to the plot to destroy him. The paper did an excellent job in breaking the news of the marriage right up to the moment where Locardia was playing daughter-in-law at the Tsvangirai's in Buhera.
And what a sight Locardia was when she appeared with a "Zambia" wrapped around her waist, with her manicured hands on the short rustic broom and her head covered with a doek but for a few strands of "weave"!
The Tembo story had the effect of upsetting people within the MDC-T. After the episode lapsed, the MDC-T, sought to claim some victories to gain confidence. The party sought to give itself twin Christmas presents, all brewed in Parliament.
The party moved motions to oust Clerk of Parliament Mr Austin Zvoma and to dissolve the Broadcasting Authority of Zimbabwe which awarded commercial radio licences to Zimpapers Talk Radio and Supa Mandiwanzira's AB Communications.
The party had in tow MPs from the other MDC formation. It remains to be seen whether the MDCs will succeed in both fronts.
However, what is clear is that with a majority in Parliament, the two MDC formations can give Zanu-PF a tough time, which situation the revolutionary party finds itself in. The "kingmaker", the smaller MDC formation is in trouble. After the party's congress in February, Professor Welshman Ncube took the reins at the party only for Professor Arthur Mutambara to dispute the legitimacy of the congress and Ncube's ascent.
A group aligned to Mutambara challenged the legality of the congress in the courts. The case is still pending. As a counter measure, the Ncube faction approached the courts seeking to bar Mutambara from acting as MDC leader, which they won this December.
Their victory came hard on the heels of an announcement of a new executive by the Mutambara faction at which point five MPs and senators from the party aligned themselves to Mutambara.
The state of affairs means that Ncube is virtually without a member in Parliament.
Yet Mutambara seems moribund as a "principal" of the inclusive Government as his status, having been barred by the courts to act as leader, remains doubtful.
Some analysts point out that his stay will be at the mercy of President Mugabe.
The Ncube faction has said it "donated" Mutambara to Zanu-PF. In November, the Mutambara faction suffered another setback when they were chucked out of an anti-violence indaba that parties convened allowing for the interaction of the central committee of Zanu-PF and the national councils of the MDC formations.
The anti-violence indaba was in itself a significant milestone in the country's politics which is characterised sometimes by violent clashes. The parties agreed that violence had to be avoided and President Mugabe emphasised that parties had to approach the electorate on the strength of their programmes.
Zanu-PF banks on its people-oriented programmes such as the indigenisation and economic programme which took shape this year. President Mugabe launched the first community share ownership scheme at Zimplats in Mhondoro in October.
The scheme will help locals in resource rich areas to get 10 percent stake in companies that exploit their resources. The employee share ownership, by which employees get stake in their companies, was also launched at Schweppes and has included companies like Miekles.
The indigenisation train is set to move irrevocably.
MDC-T has said it has its own "Jobs and Investment and Upliftment Plan", to rival the indigenisation programme. Either way, the issues over indigenisation or lack of it might win or lose the next elections to the protagonists.
Will sanctions be another election issue?
It could be; and who knows what those behind the National Anti-Sanctions Petition Campaign have up their sleeves? The programme was launched in March by President Mugabe and sources say two million signatures were collected. The next step is likely to be as big as the raucous launch that beautiful day in March.The MDCs snubbed the function. One of the highlights of 2011 was the unfortunate demise of General Solomon Mujuru in August. The national hero was killed in a fire at his house in Beatrice.
Thousands of people from all walks of life converged at the National Heroes Acre to pay their last respects to the late Mujuru. The event was deemed one of the biggest of all time; probably second to the first Independence celebrations in 1980.
The death of Gen Mujuru remains a mystery.
Another talking point will be Zimbabwe's gruelling win at the Kimberly Process. In November the KP allowed Zimbabwe to sell its Marange diamonds unconditionally. The US and other western lobbyists did not block the move. However, the US had other ideas. This month, the country flexed its hideous muscles and slapped sanctions on the companies that are operating in Marange. Effectively, after the US imposed sanctions on Zimbabwe exactly a decade ago, it still is at war with Zimbabwe, strangle the economy of the country so that the people suffer and revolt.
Revolt is what the West got in North Africa, during the so-called Arab Spring, and profited from it.
(There have been uprisings in Europe and the US itself but they have not been so viral. Could this have anything to do with lack of outside support and interventions?)
Arguably the biggest trophy of the West during the Arab Spring which saw the demise of leaders in Tunisia and Egypt, was the cruel death of Libya's colonel Muammar Gaddafi, who died at the hands of Nato-backed rebels in October. After being besieged by Nato since March 19, Gaddafi did not flee his country but remained defiant. He paid for it on October 20. Gaddafi's demise has been viewed partly as a self-created tragedy since he did not allow democratic participation of the citizenry and chose to go to bed with the enemy. Gaddafi did not invest in Africa but in the West where he stashed about US$150 billion.
Zimbabwe only got two camels from the oil-rich country, according to President Mugabe. The West froze his assets and supported rebels and pummelled Libya, destroying the infrastructure and the social services that Gaddafi, for all his warts had built in 42 years.
That three African countries South Africa, Nigeria and Gabon - supported UNSC Resolution 1973 that authorised the occupation of Libya courted much controversy and anger. Closer home, the drama around the suspension of ANC Youth League president Julius Malema made headlines across the world, including here. Malema was in the news for his "Shoot the Boer song", deemed hate speech; and his call for regime change in Botswana where he said President Ian Khama was a Western puppet.
He also embittered the ANC leadership when he criticised President Jacob Zuma. For a time, he looked set to unmake Zuma in the fashion he made him through mobilising youths. But the elephant called ANC crashed him and it remains a conjecture whether he will rise again.
It could be; and who knows what those behind the National Anti-Sanctions Petition Campaign have up their sleeves? The programme was launched in March by President Mugabe and sources say two million signatures were collected. The next step is likely to be as big as the raucous launch that beautiful day in March.The MDCs snubbed the function. One of the highlights of 2011 was the unfortunate demise of General Solomon Mujuru in August. The national hero was killed in a fire at his house in Beatrice.
Thousands of people from all walks of life converged at the National Heroes Acre to pay their last respects to the late Mujuru. The event was deemed one of the biggest of all time; probably second to the first Independence celebrations in 1980.
The death of Gen Mujuru remains a mystery.
Another talking point will be Zimbabwe's gruelling win at the Kimberly Process. In November the KP allowed Zimbabwe to sell its Marange diamonds unconditionally. The US and other western lobbyists did not block the move. However, the US had other ideas. This month, the country flexed its hideous muscles and slapped sanctions on the companies that are operating in Marange. Effectively, after the US imposed sanctions on Zimbabwe exactly a decade ago, it still is at war with Zimbabwe, strangle the economy of the country so that the people suffer and revolt.
Revolt is what the West got in North Africa, during the so-called Arab Spring, and profited from it.
(There have been uprisings in Europe and the US itself but they have not been so viral. Could this have anything to do with lack of outside support and interventions?)
Arguably the biggest trophy of the West during the Arab Spring which saw the demise of leaders in Tunisia and Egypt, was the cruel death of Libya's colonel Muammar Gaddafi, who died at the hands of Nato-backed rebels in October. After being besieged by Nato since March 19, Gaddafi did not flee his country but remained defiant. He paid for it on October 20. Gaddafi's demise has been viewed partly as a self-created tragedy since he did not allow democratic participation of the citizenry and chose to go to bed with the enemy. Gaddafi did not invest in Africa but in the West where he stashed about US$150 billion.
Zimbabwe only got two camels from the oil-rich country, according to President Mugabe. The West froze his assets and supported rebels and pummelled Libya, destroying the infrastructure and the social services that Gaddafi, for all his warts had built in 42 years.
That three African countries South Africa, Nigeria and Gabon - supported UNSC Resolution 1973 that authorised the occupation of Libya courted much controversy and anger. Closer home, the drama around the suspension of ANC Youth League president Julius Malema made headlines across the world, including here. Malema was in the news for his "Shoot the Boer song", deemed hate speech; and his call for regime change in Botswana where he said President Ian Khama was a Western puppet.
He also embittered the ANC leadership when he criticised President Jacob Zuma. For a time, he looked set to unmake Zuma in the fashion he made him through mobilising youths. But the elephant called ANC crashed him and it remains a conjecture whether he will rise again.
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