Homecoming for Lucia Matibenga?

By Tichaona Zindoga
With indications that trade unionist and MDC-T Kuwadza MP, Lucia Matibenga is set to assume the position of Minister of Public service left vacant following the death of Eliphas Mukonoweshuro recently, it is almost a case of a home coming for her.
Those familiar with the inner workings of the party led by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai might be familiar of how the premier leads his party in a fashion that contrasts the democratic pretences he and his cheerleaders have.
In particular is his propensity towards the politics that favours tribe, which has compelled him to surround himself with men and women of the Karanga tribe.
This dates back to his days at Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions, through the formation in 1999 and inaugural congress of MDC when he ensured that he stuffed his tribesmen like Nelson Chamisa, Isaac Matongo, Lucia Matibenga, Tendai Biti, Learnmore Jongwe, Job Sikhala, and Sekai Holland into influential positions.
These and other Karangas Tsvangirai was to ensure “safe” Harare seats at the general elections in 2000 while filing subsequent vacant seats with more Karangas.
The same rang true at when Tsvangirai – having successfully split the original MDC because of his alleged tribalism and dictatorial tendencies – entered Government in 2009 under the GPA in 2009.
He almost appointed 16 members of his favoured Karanga tribe to fill 19 posts for ministerial and deputy ministerial positions.
The GPA configured that MDC-T had to fill provide 13 ministers, which Tsvangirai all filled with his tribal favourites; and six deputies, of which he threw three of his tribal kins.
As of August 2010, during a mini-reshuffle, Tsvangirai added more of his tribesmen Tapiwa Mashakada, Obert Gutu and Tongai Matutu to cabinet.

The Karanga homegirl

Yet something happened to “Karanga girl” Lucia Matibenga along the way to heaven.
In a twist of fate, in 2000, came Theresa Makone whose husband, Ian, was the director of elections at the MDC as well as advisor and funder of Tsvangirai.
Theresa was also believed to be a relation of Tsvangirai’s wife, Susan.
In that stroke, Matibenga who had considerable influence, to the extent of being viewed too powerful for the comfort of some women including the leader’s wife, was shunted aside by Tsvangirai as he unconstitutionally dissolved the leadership of the Women’s Assembly of which Matibenga was leader.
A power struggle ensued, with Matibenga on the losing side, as the Makone party holding the winning of two congresses that the warring sides convened in Bulawayo at a downtown restaurant owned by Thokozani Khupe, vice-president of the party and now deputy premier.
A bitter Matibenga, who had the support and sympathy of the majority of the party membership, bemoaned how Tsvangirai had abused his relationship with Makone.
She called him dictatorial.
As bitterly, she complained that “(a)n HIV virus (sic) has attacked our party and an enemy has risen in the party…”
She also led a demonstration against Tsvangirai, denouncing the “kitchen cabinet” of handpicked Tsvangirai loyalists.
Matibenga said of Makone then: “You come into the bus and you find the conductor busy issuing tickets and all of a sudden you want to take away the pen – that’s impossible. I am the conductor here.”
Yet she was to be consigned to the cold world outside, almost into oblivion as she wallowed in the world of trade unionism.
In fact, her fall from grace even provided ammunition for feminist theses on how chauvinistic Zimbabwe’s politics was and how women were being ill-used by their male counterparts.
Interestingly, 11 years on, it was MDC-T party that pulled the strings to allow for her recent elevation to become ZCTU third vice president.
Ironically, the labour body’s congress was held in Bulawayo.
Now Matibenga might have to kiss her new position goodbye to become minister.
“It is basically about tribalism as Tsvangirai seeks to bring back his ‘home girl’,” explains David Muzhuzha former editor of ZCTU monthly publication The Worker, who has also written a magnificent book “A travesty of democracy: The untold story”.
The book focuses on the rise of the MDC from the labour movement and points out the Machiavellian nature of Tsvangirai.
Muzhuzha says Tsvangirai is not only “whole-heartedly fascinated with men and women of his tribe, but he also sometimes, willy-nilly manipulates his party processes to favour persons not of similar origins, as long as such persons serve his main selfish interest: to hold the reigns (sic) of power tightly and undisputedly, wherever he goes.” (pp75)
But there is another dimension, which in fact might hold true for this latter expose.
“Tsvangirai is also trying to reconnect with labour by taking Matibenga who has a trade union background and whom he had alienated,” explains Muzhuzha.
And need it be pointed out that Matibenga and Mukonoweshuro shared the same “Masvingo netara”?

Wikileaks, again

True enough, revelations by the whistle-blower website Wikileaks are fast becoming too hot to handle.
Suffice to say, the revelations have let in on the inner workings of the political systems of Zimbabwe, revelations of which most players have not been too comfortable with.
But then when Wikileaks became a hit for the first time, it let in on the leadership qualities of Tsvangirai, which even the recent leaks in which Obert Gutu and Nelson Chamisa (oh, these ungrateful kinsmen!) even corroborate.
Dell described Tsvangirai as a “flawed figure, not readily open to advice, indecisive and with questionable judgment in selecting those around him.”
Today, if Tsvangirai manages to bring Matibenga into his bosom, it does not quite vindicate him, does it?
It only serves to highlight how he is so flawed as to, as earlier demonstrated, seek security in a particular clique of individuals with whose feathers he identifies.
Admittedly, this same clique has some of the best brains in the country, which won’t do anybody good to deny.
On this score, though, Matibenga would not fit, just as Tsvangirai is not noted for sharpness in letters.
So how should the rest of the country, especially those that believe in him, take Tsvangirai’s fascination with those that identify with Masvingo road?
It does not take much to notice that this is a politically and morally unhealthy situation.
Tsvangirai might as well be sowing the seeds of division in his party, just as he was accused of causing the split not so many years ago.
If one were to go by the assumption that by bringing Matibenga into the fold Tsvangirai is trying to reconnect with labour it therefore confirms that he is indecisive and poor in judgement, as Dell diagnosed him.
This means he is manipulative, too, and runs the MDC-T as a tuckshop.
But it may be homecoming for Lucia Matibenga, all the same.